call to, invite

verb social_communication

Proto-Siouan-Catawba

Proto-Siouan *ki-(ki-)ó•he

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa

Hidatsa kikuhá ‘invite’ WM

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *ki-k-ó (?) , *ki-khó RR

Proto-Dakota *kičhó

Lakota kičhó ‘call, invite’ RTC

Dakota kićó , †kičhó ‘call to a feast, invite’ SRR:284b

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *(ki-)kó

Chiwere kigo , †gigo ‘hold a feast, get together’ JGT:142

Hoocąk góo ‘invite, give a feast; with object: invite to a religious feast’ KM:453 , goo ‘call, beckon to’ KM:451 , gigó , gigo

Proto-Dhegiha

Osage gíko , †kíkho ‘invite to a feast’ LF:51a , giḳó , †kihkó ‘a formal invitation’ LF:284b

Proto-Southeastern *ki-(ki-)ó•he

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo *ki-o•hi (?)

Biloxi kĭyohí , †kiyohí ‘call or halloo to’ D&S:294b

Ofo akó̄hi , †akó•hi ‘shout, call out’ D&S:320a, JSS

Proto-Tutelo-Saponi

Tutelo kikōha, gikōha ‘call’ H

General comment

Omaha-Ponca we’ku may be < wa + ki + kho SW-103. Cognacy is hard to determine. JOD writes the form with upright k suggesting the aspirate. Osage likewise may have a post-aspirated stop, as one of the entries has the unmodified k. There are too many transcription problems here to be certain what we are dealing with, although the forms seem cognate. We have analysed the Chiwere/Hoocąk initial consonant as aberrant, most likely a reflex of an older prefixed *ki- rather than the more common *hki-. Biloxi y is most likely an epenthetic glide. If organic, it would have yielded the usual variety of consonantal reflexes in other languages. The final syllable in OVS may be from either the common suffix -he or from -ha. In the former case, the -a in Hidatsa and Tutelo is unexplained; in the latter, Biloxi will have reanalysed the form as -he. Hidatsa -há is probably not from *-he, since it has not collapsed to -ua.

Details Language Word Source