throat

physical_somatic_body_part

Proto-Siouan-Catawba

Proto-Siouan *i-Ró•te

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *ro•tiška

Crow déešiška GG:44, RGG:70

Hidatsa ro•tiška ‘throat, windpipe’ J , no•tiška

Pre-Mandan *rų́t-

Mandan rų́tka ‘throat’ H:195 , rų́tiske ‘throat’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *Ró•te

Proto-Dakota *Roté

Lakota loté ‘throat’ RTC

Dakota doté ‘throat’ SRR:109

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *Róte

Chiwere dóǰe ‘throat’ JGT:257

Hoocąk tooc , †tó•č ‘throat’ MM:171 , dotc , †tó•č

Proto-Dhegiha *Ró•te

Omaha-Ponca nó•de ‘throat’ RR

Kanza/Kaw dó•ǰe ‘throat’ RR

Osage tóce ‘throat; gullet’ LF:37b , dódse

Quapaw tótte ‘throat’ RR

Proto-Southeastern *i-ró•ti

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo *i-ró•ti

Biloxi dódi, dotí , †dóti ‘throat’ D&S:183b

Ofo ĭtcó̄ti , †ičó•ti ‘throat, neck’ D&S:324b, JSS

Proto-Tutelo-Saponi

Tutelo lōti , †lo•ti H

General comment

Stress shift in Dakota probably postdates loss of initial syllable in MVS.

This is a particularly interesting form because normally a stem initial Proto-Siouan *r becomes Lakota/Dakota čh following possessive *i-; there are many instances. Here we have a clear instance of *R rather than *r, and it does not affricate (except in Ofo where it is totally unexpected). R here behaves like a former cluster Cr, where the identity of C remains unknown. C has the action here of protecting r from being affricated in Lakota (i.e. showing an apparent reflex of *y). This is an attractive solution to the problem of R because in various known *Cr clusters *r has R-like reflexes, i.e., we are not proposing an absolutely neutralized phoneme without specific motivation. It remains to determine the identity of the missing C. Most obstruent consonants already cluster with r; the laryngeals ʔ and h remain the best bets. If h, it would have to precede, because *rh > DH th, Lakota h, Chiwere d. In summary, R may be from a Proto-Siouan cluster, perhaps *ʔr or *hr.

Details Language Word Source