think (1)

verb psychic_cognition

Proto-Siouan-Catawba

Proto-Siouan *e_yehe

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *(h)iríha-cE

Crow hilíači GG:48

Hidatsa iríacE ‘think, opine’ J , iríaci

Pre-Mandan *é_reh-

Mandan érehoʔš ‘he wanted it, thought about it’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *é_re ~ *e_yé

Proto-Dakota

Lakota ečhá ‘think’ B&D:102

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *i_ré

Chiwere ilé ‘think’ GM

Hoocąk hi_giré ‘think of’ KM:845 , higire (hi<gi>re) ‘think, hope ?’ KM:1016 , hi_ré , hire

Proto-Dhegiha *é_re

Omaha-Ponca e_ðegǫ ‘think’ JOD, MAS:58

Kanza/Kaw hą́_ye ‘think, suppose’ [cf. ‘dream’] JOD

Osage e´the , †éðe ‘think’ [conj. éki_ðe as an R-stem] LF:41b

Quapaw í_nįą ‘think what precedes’ [< *ídi + ʔą] JOD

Proto-Southeastern

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo

Biloxi yihí, yuhí, yŭ´hi , †yihi ‘think’ [regular conjugation] D&S:292a, EB

Ofo hĕ´tani , †hétani ‘think’ [regular conjugation] D&S:323b

General comment

There have been several restructurings of this interesting verb. Hoocąk and Quapaw have replaced *e- with what appears to be instrumental í-. In Kanza/Kaw the verb has been contaminated by the semantically related ‘dream’, q.v.

Dakota and Biloxi suggest a reconstruction with *y, the other languages show reflexes of *r. Dakota in particular has a relic conjugated form, 1s epčá (defective), which makes *y the more attractive reconstruction. In Crow, Hidatsa and Mandan *r and *y normally fall together as r, and since, in the more southerly languages *r and *y seem to fall together in certain consonant clusters (those created in 1st and 2nd person conjugated forms), the neutralization product, *r, may have been generalized to 3rd person forms. So the most probable reconstruction is with the more exceptional *y. Cf. ‘think (3)’. The Ofo form may simply have lost the main portion of the verb stem, leaving only the extension shown elsewhere in Mandan and Biloxi.

Details Language Word Source