‘shoulder; 2 parts of a tent’
axe´ya, kŭdĕsk axe
Cf. ‘ball joint > shoulder’, ‘arm’. Mandan (and perhaps Biloxi) a- likely is a compounded reflex of
*á•-(re) ‘arm’. Mandan xk corresponds to DH kh frequently. The
relationship of the Biloxi form, if any, is unclear. Note especially that two of
the terms for ‘shoulder’ have an irregular *(h)į-. This suggests that
this may not be merely an irregular form of the possessive *i-. More
specifically, it suggests that the other term for ‘shoulder’ in Dakotan,
hį-yete, q.v., is probably not borrowed from Hoocąk but rather also
contains this older, prefixed portion that refers to the shoulder. While we
have no doubt that Mandan and the DH forms are (irregularly) cognate, we are
dubious about the cognacy of Biloxi, as Proto-Siouan /*xk/ is usually preserved there.
While Mandan xk can be organic, it can also derive from a morphologically
produced k + k.