push instrumental

prefix physical_motion_caus

Proto-Siouan-Catawba

Proto-Siouan *pa-

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *pa-

Crow pa- RG

Hidatsa pa- AWJ

Pre-Mandan

Mandan pa- ‘push instrumental’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *pa-

Proto-Dakota *pa-

Lakota pa- ‘push instrumental’ RTC

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *wa-

Chiwere wa- ‘push instrumental’

Hoocąk wa- ‘push instrumental; by downward pressure’ KM, WL , wa-

Proto-Dhegiha *pa-

Omaha-Ponca ba- ‘push instrumental’

Kanza/Kaw ba- ‘push instrumental’ RR

Osage pa- ‘push instrumental’ LF

Quapaw ba- ‘push instrumental’ RR

Proto-Southeastern *pa-

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo *pa-

Biloxi pa- ‘push instrumental’

Ofo pa- ‘push instrumental’

Proto-Tutelo-Saponi

Tutelo pa- , †pa- ‘push instrumental’ HW

Proto-Catawba

Catawba wawe ‘rub on’ KS:190

General comment

An inner instrumental prefix. The morphophonological behavior of these instrumental prefixes suggests that they were, in fact, separate verb roots at least in pre-Proto-Siouan and perhaps also in Proto-Siouan. This is corroborated by the independent status of several of them in Catawba. Their phonological development is still not entirely understood. They fail to undergo the generalized Siouan aspiration rule in instances where it should surely apply. At the same time, the fused pronoun allomorphs found with the instrumental prefixes are the same as those found in the most conservative verb morphology. Chiwere/Hoocąk show reflexes of what would normally be postaccentual p in those languages.

Details Language Word Source