niece (1), male’s sister’s daughter

noun social_kin

Proto-Siouan-Catawba

Proto-Siouan *i-htų́•-

Pre-Mandan *-tų-

Mandan tų́hą ‘male’s sister’s child’ H:258

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *ihtų́•žą

Proto-Dakota *thu- ~ *thų-

Lakota thųžą́ ‘female’s brother’s daughter’ EJ

Assiniboine thuža ‘male’s sister’s daughter’ [Sask.] PAS

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere

Hoocąk hičųžą́k ~ čų́ųžąk ‘niece from mother’s brother, granddaughter’ KM:834 , hicųžąk ~ cųųžąk

Proto-Dhegiha *ihtížǫ < **ihtǘžǫ

Omaha-Ponca ittížǫ

Kanza/Kaw iččížo

Osage iṭsízhoⁿ , †ihcížǫ LF:81a

Quapaw ittížǫ ‘male’s sister’s daughter’

General comment

Quapaw and Dakota preserve both ‘niece’ terms. Shaw notes no nasalization in the Saskatchewan Assiniboine form. J RTC has noted that speaker differences in ‘nephew’ and ‘niece’ involve nasalization. I would only add that nasalization correlates with same sex: ‘woman’s niece, man’s nephew’.

Only MVS has a male, female speaker distinction.

RR: *i-htų́•- may have been Proto-Siouan, but with a distribution only in Mandan and MVS this is hard to prove. The sibilant present in the MVS forms may well represent an analogical development based on ‘nephew, female speaker?, sister’s son (1)’.

JEK The morpheme žą in the MVS forms is from Proto-Siouan *yą́ka ~ *yą́kEdaughter’. DH hti may be by analogy with DH *ihtipro (?) ‘woman’s elder brother’. The Mandan term also occurs in ‘nephew (1), male’s sister’s son’.

Details Language Word Source