lie, be lying, positional

verb physical_somatic_posture

Proto-Siouan-Catawba

Proto-Siouan *wų́•kE

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *wá•ki, *wuk-kE

Crow baačí ‘be in a position involuntarily’ RG

Hidatsa wá•kE ‘be lying’ J , má•ki ‘exist, be, positional’ J , wáhku , máhku

Pre-Mandan *wąk, *wąkahe

Mandan ówąk ‘bed’ RTC , wąkóʔš ‘be, be lying’ RTC , wąkahe ‘these lying’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *wų́kE ~ *yų́kE

Proto-Dakota *wąkA´ ~ *yųká

Lakota yųká [1s mųká] RTC

Dakota †wąká [1s mųká] SRR

Stoney yųga PAS

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *-wąke ~ *hą́ke ~ *yą

Chiwere †hą́ŋe GM, JGT:104 , iyáñyan , †iyą́yą ‘be lying’ JGT:104 , -mąða in: qemanc/a , †-mąða ‘frost’ JOD

Hoocąk boową́k ‘knock down by running into or pushing over’ KM:3616 , boowąk ‘cut down’ PV , giwą́k ‘positional’ , giwąk , -(h)ąk , =(h)ąk, =wąk, =aak

Proto-Dhegiha *wąke ~ *žą

Omaha-Ponca -wąge in: qewañge , †-wąge ‘frost’ JOD

Kanza/Kaw -mąge in: xémąge ‘frost’ RR , žą́ ‘lie, be lying’ RR

Osage mąke in: xémoⁿge , †-mąke ‘frost’ RR , žą́ , †-mąke ‘lie, be lying’

Quapaw žą́ ‘lie, be lying’ RR , xą́įke ‘frost, killing frost’ RR

Proto-Southeastern *mą́ki

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo *mą́ki

Biloxi máñḳi, mañḳí , †mą́ki D&S:227a

Ofo mô´ñki , †mą́ki D&S:326a

Proto-Tutelo-Saponi

Tutelo mahamĕñ´gise , †-mąki- [mę́ki- ?] DSF

Proto-Catawba

Catawba wąʔ ‘sit’ FGS , mųri ‘dwell’ PV:67

General comment

Positionals *wų́kE ‘lie’ and *hą́kEstand’ were partially merged in Chiwere-Winnebago through replacement of *w- by h-, although the full form appears to be preserved in the compound ‘frost’. The Proto-Siouan sequence *wų is an unacceptible cluster in most Siouan languages, and it always dissimilates in one of two ways. Either *w > r or *ų > ą.

Dakotan, Chiwere and DH all preserve at least two differently dissimilated reflexes of ‘be standing’. Proto-Siouan *rą•kE ‘sit’ has conjugated forms in which ą > į, mįk-, nįk-, etc. in DH, Chiwere (?) and dialectally in Dakota (Assiniboine). It appears that Proto-Siouan *wųkE ‘lie’ may have undergone a parallel (perhaps analogical) development illustrated by Quapaw xą́-įke ‘frost’ and Stoney wį́ga (PAssiniboine) ‘stay overnight’. Koontz suggests that the w in many, if not all stems is actually epenthetic. This might provide a principled reason for the lack of match in the modern correspondences. Biloxi, Ofo forms are exceptional in retaining initial labial resonants normally lost in those languages. This may be what led Wolff to reconstruct an initial *a-. As classifiers, these positionals are postposed to nominals and often become clitics, a fact that may better account for the retained labial resonants in the Southeast. Cf. also important note under ‘be sitting’.

Details Language Word Source