heart

noun physical_somatic_body_part

Proto-Siouan-Catawba

Proto-Siouan *i-yą́•te ~ *i-rą́•te

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *ra•tá

Crow daasá ‘heart’ RG, GG:40, RGG:70

Hidatsa ra•tá ‘heart’ J , na•tá

Pre-Mandan *rą́t-

Mandan rą́tka ‘heart’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *i-rą́•te ~ *i-rą́•tke

Proto-Dakota *čhąté

Lakota čhąté ‘heart’ RTC

Dakota ćaŋté ‘heart’ SRR:92b

Sioux Valley čhąté PAS

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *ną́•t-(ke)

Chiwere ną́ǰe ‘heart’ RR, GM , ną́hǰe ‘heart’ W:236a, RR, GM

Hoocąk ną́ąč ‘heart’ KM:2123 , nąąc ‘heart’ KM:2129 , nąąčgé , nąącge

Proto-Dhegiha *ną́•te

Omaha-Ponca nǫ́•de ‘heart’ RTC

Kanza/Kaw ną́ǰe ‘heart’ RR

Osage noⁿ´dse , †ną́ce ‘heart’ LF:113b , thoⁿ´dse , †ðą́ce ‘heart’ LF:153a

Quapaw ną́tte ‘heart’ [also ną́de] RR, JOD

Proto-Southeastern *i-yą́•ti

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo *i-yą́ti

Biloxi yandí, yándiyaⁿ, yanti , †yąti ‘heart’ D&S:288a

Ofo itcánti , †ičą́ti ‘heart’ D&S:324b

Proto-Tutelo-Saponi

Tutelo yāñti; yanti , †yą•ti ‘heart’ N, H

General comment

Chiwere/Hoocąk show doublets, with and without the *ke suffix. Mandan has only rą́tka for ‘heart’, but Hollow derives this from a root *rąt ‘be in the middle’ that appears in several other constructions. The Proto-Siouan root was probably *yą́t, with frequent suffixation of *-ka. Chiwere/Hoocąk and DH all show reflexes of what should be *rą- rather than the expected *yą.

Dakota, although it appears at first glance to have a reflex of *y, would have čh < *r following inalienable *i- anyway (i.e., would merge the reflexes of *y and *r), so in effect all of MVS may well descend from a form with initial *r. Mandan, Crow and Hidatsa merge *r and *y in all environments, so it could just as easily be the southeastern languages that have developed differently with *i-yą́ti rather than *i-rą́ti. In essence we are prevented from knowing for certain what the root-initial glide was, and, in fact if that glide was epenthetic, merely separating the possessive prefix from the root-initial vowel. If so, the proper reconstruction might be *i-ą́•te. Derivational *-ka is only found in MVS and Mandan (Carter’s Central Siouan subgroup). Length is variable in Hidatsa, cf. 1s waratá Cf. ‘middle’ for a possible source of MVS contamination.

Details Language Word Source