verb social_transfer

Proto-Siouan-Catawba *kʔú- ~ *kʔų́-

Proto-Siouan *kʔu(-re)

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *kúʔ

Crow kuú RG, GG:51, RGG:28

Hidatsa kuʔ ‘give; benefactive’ J , kuʔu


Mandan kúʔroʔš ‘he gave it to him’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *kʔú

Proto-Dakota *kʔú

Lakota kʔú ‘give’ RTC

Dakota ḳu , †kʔú ‘give anything to one’ SRR:302b

Stoney kʔú ~ khú ‘give’ PAS

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *okʔų́

Chiwere okʔų́ ‘give’ RR

Hoocąk hokʔų́ ‘give, pay(?)’ KM:1360 , hok’ų

Proto-Dhegiha *kʔǘ

Omaha-Ponca ʔí ‘give’ RTC

Kanza/Kaw kʔǘ ‘give’ RR

Osage kʔǘ ‘give’ RR

Quapaw kʔí ‘give’ RR

Proto-Southeastern *əkʔú-(re)

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo *əkhú-(re)

Biloxi kúdi , †kudi D&S:215b , ku , †kudi D&S:215a

Ofo ạkhú , †əkhú D&S:319b


Tutelo ñgō , †ngu H , ⁿgo , †ngu


Catawba kų́həre ‘gave it’ [kų́rəre ‘he gave him’; kúkawe ‘gave it may have'] KS

General comment

As in several other cases, Ofo shows a preposed in conjunction with an aspirate in cases where other languages have a following .

Reconstruction of the set Biloxi k : Ofo əkh : Tutelo (n)g as *kʔ is, admittedly, taking advantage of knowledge gained only from other subgroups, but this correspondence set is distinct from both the plain and aspirated sets, and would otherwise require the use of some arbitrarily chosen velar symbol for the reconstruction. Here Tutelo also has a peculiar reflex with initial nasalization of some sort. In Dorsey’s Biloxi work an apparently syllabic n- always varied with ą. This may be the case in Tutelo also. However we do not think the Tutelo nasality is related to the intrusive nasality in Chiwere and Hoocąk, which occurs in numerous other forms. We cannot consider the nasality explained though, since there seems to be variable nasalization of this root in Catawba. This is a transitive verb with only two arguments across Siouan, with the recipient marked as direct object.

Other languages

  • Cf. look-alike Proto Keresan *-ʔU Miller + Davis IJAL XXIX, p.320.
Details Language Word Source