enter (3)

verb physical_motion

Proto-Siouan-Catawba

Proto-Siouan *o-phÉ

Pre-Mandan

Mandan ró•pxekereʔš ‘they went in’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *o-phÉ

Proto-Dakota

Lakota óphA ‘follow, go with’ EB:400b

Dakota ópa ‘go with, follow, go in’ SRR:380b

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere

Chiwere -owe ‘pass’ GM , uwá ‘pass through’ GM

Proto-Dhegiha

Kanza/Kaw ophé ‘enter’ RR

Proto-Southeastern *o-phé

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo

Ofo ophĕ ‘come inside’ D&S:327b

Proto-Tutelo-Saponi

Tutelo opé ‘go’ JOD

Proto-Catawba

Catawba pe•ʔ ‘step’ BAR

General comment

In DH there are other derived forms. The root appears, not unexpectedly, to be -phe with an approximate meaning of ‘tread, step’. Cf. ‘follow’. The cluster *ph was very rare in Proto-Siouan, and there is evidence in other forms that it may result from syncope of an earlier **pVh or **wVh sequence. Cf. ‘follow’, ‘comb’. The Catawba form, however, renders the syncope hypothesis suspect.

Crow bíihpi ‘falling snow’ (GG-29, DEC-6), Hidatsa wa•hpi ‘to snow’, Hidatsa wirihpi, ‘bathe’ and Hidatsa tipihpi ‘sink into mud’ imply a verb -hpi with a meaning like ‘be immersed in’. If that form is to be compared here, we must explain the reverse order of presumed *w and *h.

No explanation is forthcoming.

The Lakota ‘go with, follow’ meanings may indicate that we have homophonous forms here. Speculatively, ‘go with’ might be derived from o-hefollow’, q.v., with an otherwise unattested (in Lakota) prefix *p- meaning ‘with’. Cf. Hidatsa api- ‘with’.

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