cord, sinew, vein (1)

noun physical_somatic_body_part


Proto-Siouan *i-hką́ RR


Crow íika ‘support’ RG, GG:77


Mandan íka ‘string’ H:86 , hįką́rą ‘string’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *hką́

Proto-Dakota *khą́

Lakota khą́ ‘sinew, vein’ RTC , ikhą́ ‘cord-like lead for a horse, string, rope’ EJ, RTC , wíkhą ‘cord, string, rope’ EJ, RTC

Dakota kaŋ , †khą́ ‘sinew’ WM:207a

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *khą́

Chiwere ikhą́hį ‘blood vessel’ GM, JGT:228 , kan , †khą́ ‘blood vessel, sinew’ JGT:228

Hoocąk ką́ą ‘cord, vein’ KM:1759 , kąą ‘bowstring (?)’ MM:255 , hiką , hiką

Proto-Dhegiha *hką́

Omaha-Ponca žąkką ‘root’ RR , †mąde kką ‘bowstring’ JOD:13

Kanza/Kaw kką ‘sinew’ RR

Osage ḳoⁿ , †hką́ ‘roots of trees or plants, vein, blood vessel’ LF:88b

Quapaw kką ‘cord, sinew’ RR



Biloxi iⁿḳáⁿ, iñḳáⁿ, iḳáⁿ, ḳáⁿ , †įką́ ‘cord, line, muscle, sinew’ D&S:202a


Woccon Wee-kau , †wiką ‘belt’ JL

General comment

Aspiration in MVS argues for an initial syllable. However, lack of affrication in Dakotan suggests either that this vowel was not the i- attested elsewhere or that the i- was lost early and sporadically replaced. Deverbal instrumental nouns normally show wa+i rather than i- by itself. Thus i- is almost certain to have been the inalienable possessive prefix so often found with body parts. This prefix normally disappears in MVS except with kinship terms, so the i- in the MVS languages illustrated here (variable in Dakota, Chiwere and Hoocąk) must represent reapplication of one of the prefixes of this shape. Late reapplication would account for lack of the expected affrication in Dakota (where the form should be a non-occurring *ičhą́ if the prefix were old). Since even the forms occurring without the prefix have reflexes of aspiration, the prefix must be reconstructed to Proto-Mississipi-Valley and probably Proto-Siouan. In MVS the prefix was systematically lost and then selectively reapplied.

The single language here that suggests a Proto-Siouan form without aspiration is Biloxi.

Dorsey fairly consistently transcribes the form with the diacritic for unaspirated k. He even does this when there is an initial syllable however, so it is impossible to know how much credence to place in his transcription. Cf. ‘cord, string (2)’, which may have influenced the Biloxi form.

The Mandan form iká has lost nasalization in the second syllable, providing yet another example of sporadic nasalization changes in this language. It is possible that there has been some blending of the two forms; cf. ‘cord, string (2)’.

Details Language Word Source