come vertitive

verb physical_motion

Proto-Siouan-Catawba

Proto-Siouan *kihú• ART

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *kVhú•

Crow kuú RG, GG:5

Hidatsa kú• J

Pre-Mandan *kuh-

Mandan kuhóʔš ‘he came back’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley

Proto-Dakota *kú

Lakota RTC

Dakota ku ‘return’ WM:179a

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *kú•

Chiwere W:241b, GM , -gú•- RR

Hoocąk gúu ‘leave returning’ KM:464 , guu

Proto-Dhegiha *kǘ

Omaha-Ponca JOD

Kanza/Kaw RR

Osage gi , †kü ‘he approaches, he comes’ LF:49b

Quapaw ki

Proto-Southeastern *ki-ú ~ *kihú RR

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo *ki-u•

Biloxi ḳú nedí , †ku ‘be returning hither’ D&S:199a

Ofo kiū´kna, kiu , †kiú•kna D&S:325b, JSS

Proto-Tutelo-Saponi

Tutelo kihuwá ‘on his way coming home’ HW

Saponi kihoe ‘come here’ F

Proto-Catawba

Catawba kowa KS

General comment

MVS shows no trace of the expected aspiration in the 3rd person citation form. Biloxi/Ofo seem to lack reflexes of h also, but Tutelo, Crow, Hidatsa, and Mandan seem to show them. If Catawba is cognate, it too lacks any reflex of the consonantism of the corresponding plain verb, hú•ʔ. The DH conjugated forms can be derived from forms with or without *h, since aspirates can never occur as the second members of clusters. The forms are: Omaha-Ponca 1Act ppi, 2Act ški, 3Act gi; Kanza/Kaw 1Act ppü, 2Act škü, 3Act ; Quapaw 1Act ppi, 2Act ški, 3Act ki. First and second person forms would regularly lack any trace of the h, and this may have spread to the third person as well in DH and possibly throughout MVS.

Details Language Word Source