noun physical_somatic_liquid

Proto-Siouan-Catawba *i•-

Proto-Siouan *(wa-)ʔí•(-re)

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *í•re

Crow íili ‘blood’ RG , í•re ‘blood’ L:198

Hidatsa í•re ‘blood’ J , í•ri


Mandan í•re ‘blood’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *waʔį́ ~ *waʔí

Proto-Dakota *wé < *wa-i

Lakota ‘blood, to bleed’ RTC

Dakota ‘blood, bloody, to bleed’ SRR:563b


Chiwere wąbáge ~ wa•báge ‘blood’ RR

Hoocąk waʔí ‘blood, bleed’ KM:3165 , wa’i

Proto-Dhegiha *waWį́ < **wa+waʔį́

Omaha-Ponca wamį́ ‘blood’ RR

Kanza/Kaw wabį́ ‘blood’ RR

Osage wabiⁿ , †wapį́ ‘blood, bleeding’ LF:184a

Quapaw wappą́į RR

Proto-Southeastern *wa-í•(-ri)

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo *a-í•(-ri)

Biloxi hai, ai, háidi, haidí , †hai(-di) ‘blood, bleed’ D&S:193a

Ofo ahī´hi , †ahí•hi ‘blood’ D&S:319a, JSS


Tutelo wāyī; wayīi , †wayí• ‘blood’ N, H


Catawba i•t ‘blood’ FS

General comment

This appears to be a noun-verb pair, Proto-Siouan *ʔí•re ‘bleed’, *wa-ʔí•re ‘what is bled = blood’. In the southeastern languages we seem to have different means of eliminating the vowel cluster; epenthesis of ʔ (perhaps) in Biloxi, h in Ofo, and y in Tutelo. Biloxi and Ofo h- correspondences are not entirely regular, but they do appear very frequently.

Biloxi h is frequently the reflex of Proto-Siouan ; there are numerous examples. Biloxi h plus the glottal stop in Hoocąk (cf. ‘blanket (1)’) lead us to reconstruct the glottal stop in Proto-Siouan. The third syllable of Ofo may be reduplication, or the result of distant assimilation in original *ahí•ri. The Chiwere form is unusual, and not currently explained. The DH forms appear to exemplify multiple reapplications of wa-absolutive’ to a form that had already fused such a prefix, i.e., underlyingly DH is *wa + Wa-ʔį. The second of the two prefixes shows a reflex of *W, a product of already juxtaposed w+w, cf. ‘snow (1)’. There is a very close Yuchi look-alike weʔíblood’ (LB).

Other languages

  • Yuchi weʔí LB
  • PUA #21 *ʔet, *ʔew ‘blood’ Miller
Language Cognate Phonetic Siouan Meaning Comment Sources