physical_contact_manipulation
Proto-Siouan-Catawba
Proto-Siouan
*kų
Proto-Crow-Hidatsa
Hidatsa
wa•ʔi•kiku
‘trap; lit. sth. w. which to trap sth.’
J
,
ma•ʔi•kiku
‘fishhook’
J
,
íhkikua
‘fishing tackle’
J
,
mua ihkikua
Pre-Mandan
Mandan
kų́•roʔš
‘he trapped it’
RTC
,
póʔiʔikų
‘fishing tackle’
RTC
Proto-Southeastern
Proto-Biloxi-Ofo
Biloxi
ḳaⁿ, kaⁿ
, †ką
‘noose, trap’
D&S:202a
,
kañḳoⁿ, ḳaⁿḳoⁿni
, †ką
‘trapping, trap’
D&S:202a
,
ûⁿḳoḳóⁿ
, †ką
‘fishhook’
,
okŭki
, †ką
‘to fish’
Ofo
okhô´ñki
, †okhą́ki
‘to fish’
General comment
Lakota †gmų́ka ‘trap’ (B-162a) and Dakota †hmų́ka ‘set a trap, to trap’
(R-150b) probably do not belong to this set. Dakotan gm- clusters
usually turn out not to have cognates elsewhere in Siouan, and often seem to
be from borrowed Algonquian kwVn clusters, cf. ‘cucurbit (1)’ and ‘cucurbit(2)’. In this
instance, compare Miami kimiha ‘trap’, ‘deadfall’; kokimikotakani
‘spring or steel trap’ (Voegelin 1939:305) and Shawnee nakwaaka ‘steel
trap’ (ibid. p. 378) for suggestive similarities. In addition, cf. the
following Ojibwe (and related dialect) forms (Rhodes 1985: 295-6):
ngwaagan ‘rainbow, trap, spider’s web’ (n.i.)(p. 296) pl.
ngwaagnan; n’gwaadang (vti) ‘snare’ (p. 295); n’gwaanaad (vta)
‘snare s.o.’ (p. 296). The Biloxi ‘trap’ terms may be derived from ‘cord, sinew, vein (1)’ and thus not be cognate.