noun
social_kin
Proto-Siouan-Catawba
Proto-Siouan
*i-htúką
Proto-Mississipi-Valley
*i-htúką
Proto-Dakota
*thųką́
Lakota
thųką́
‘father-in-law’
RTC
,
thųkášila
‘grandfather’
RTC
Stoney
thųgá-
PAS
Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere
Chiwere
i•thúgą
‘grandfather’
RR
Hoocąk
čooká, čookága
‘grandfather, father-in-law’
KM:260
,
cooka
‘paternal or maternal grandfather; father-in-law’
KM:832
,
hičoké
,
hicooke
Proto-Dhegiha
*i-htíką < **i-htǘką
Omaha-Ponca
ittígǫ
‘grandfather’
RTC
Kanza/Kaw
iččígo
‘grandfather’
RR
Osage
iṭsígo
, †ihcíko
‘grandfather’
LF:80b
Quapaw
ittíką
‘grandfather’
RR
Proto-Southeastern
Proto-Biloxi-Ofo
Biloxi
tukaⁿ´ni, tukaní
, †tukąni
‘mother’s brother’
D&S:281b
General comment
Cf. ‘grandfather (2)’. The DH terms should show traces of earlier *ü,
at least in Kanza/Kaw and Osage. Osage ǘ is preserved after hc in ‘shell’, for
example. The Hoocąk vocalism is also a problem and should show o. And, although
final vowel denasalization is commonly found in Kanza/Kaw, for example, it is not
common in Hoocąk. Biloxi suggests that this word may have had *(-re), but lack of a
Mandan cognate leaves us without confirmation. Proto-Siouan reconstruction here represents
one possible form, but there are many problems with this set. It is possible
that this term represents, or has been contaminated by, *hų́ka ‘ancestor’
with a syncopated reflex of the *hta- ‘alienable’ prefix; this would
account for the preaspiration in Hidatsa (see below), and offer some rationale
for the term’s usage in referring to respected male ancestors.
Unfortunately, Crow isisáahke ‘woman’s father-in-law’ (DEC-124), Crow
isáaksaahke ‘woman’s grandfather’ (DEC-124), Crow iilápxisaahke ‘man’s
grandfather’ (DEC-124), and Hidatsa á•rutahka ‘grandfather, woman’s
father-in-law’ (J) do not seem to fit here, though they are superficially
similar. The problems are length (in Crow) and quality of the root vowel and
preaspiration of the final consonant.