‘they went in’
‘follow, go with’
‘go with, follow, go in’
In DH there are other derived forms. The root appears, not
unexpectedly, to be -phe with an approximate meaning of ‘tread, step’. Cf. ‘follow’. The cluster *ph was very rare in Proto-Siouan, and there is evidence in
other forms that it may result from syncope of an earlier **pVh or **wVh
sequence. Cf. ‘follow’, ‘comb’. The Catawba form, however, renders the syncope hypothesis suspect.
Crow bíihpi ‘falling snow’ (GG-29, DEC-6), Hidatsa wa•hpi ‘to snow’, Hidatsa
wirihpi, ‘bathe’ and Hidatsa tipihpi ‘sink into mud’ imply a verb
-hpi with a meaning like ‘be immersed in’. If that form is to be
compared here, we must explain the reverse order of presumed *w and *h.
No explanation is forthcoming.
The Lakota ‘go with, follow’ meanings may indicate that we have homophonous forms
here. Speculatively, ‘go with’ might be derived from o-he ‘follow’, q.v.,
with an otherwise unattested (in Lakota) prefix *p- meaning ‘with’. Cf. Hidatsa