ball joint > shoulder

noun physical_somatic_body_part

Proto-Siouan-Catawba *-re•t


Proto-Mississipi-Valley *hį-réte ~ *i-réte R

Proto-Dakota *hįyéte

Lakota hįyéte ‘shoulder’ RTC

Dakota hiŋyéte , †hįyéte ‘shoulder’ SRR:148a , hiyéte , †hįyéte ‘shoulder’ SRR:149b

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *hįréte ~ *iréte ~ *įréte

Chiwere iléǰe ‘shoulder’ GM

Hoocąk hįnéč ‘shoulder’ [< *si + *k- + *ret + *-ka ?] KM:1155 , hįįrec, hįįnec ‘heel’ KM:2840 , siikérečge , siikerecge

Proto-Dhegiha *-réte

Omaha-Ponca çithéde , †siðéde ‘heel’ F&LF:109

Kanza/Kaw siyéǰe ‘heel’ RR

Osage çithédse , †siðéce ‘heels’ LF:31a

Quapaw sidétte ‘heel’ JOD


Catawba híri•t ‘his shoulder’ FS

General comment

Cf. ‘shoulder’, ‘heel’, ‘navel’. The first syllable of these forms may derive from the third person possessive prefix; the Proto-Siouan-Catawba root appears to be *re•t. Note that the Dakotan entries may then be borrowings from Pre-Winnebago: in MVS, the third person possessive prefix is found with initial /h/ in Hoocąk only, the normal Dakotan form being /*i-/. By normal development, Proto-Dakota would have shown **iyéta. When possessive *i- is prefixed to nouns with initial *r, the *r > čh in Dakotan. This pattern recurs numerous times in our sets but not here. As an alternative analysis, therefore, it is possible that hį- here is/was a lexical morpheme that was reanalyzed by speakers as the possessive in several languages. Compare the DH terms for ‘heel’, all of which share the same root, *-rete, but compounded with ‘foot’. The root most likely refers to something like ‘ball-shaped bone’, with the shoulder being the -rete par excellence. Quapaw détta (< *ret-ka probably) also has this root. It is translated ‘upper part of leg’ and probably refers to the other ball-shaped joint, the hip. This analysis of Lakota/Hoocąk *hį- is partially confirmed by comparing ‘shoulder’, q.v.

Language Cognate Phonetic Siouan Meaning Comment Sources