verb physical_motion


Proto-Siouan *hú•(-re)

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *hú•

Crow húu RG, GG:49, RGG:32

Hidatsa hú• J

Pre-Mandan *hú•-

Mandan hú•roʔš ‘he’s coming’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *hú

Proto-Dakota *hú

Lakota ú ‘I am coming; an old word meaning |waú|’ RTC , p-hú EB:449b

Dakota u ‘come’ WM:35b

Stoney ú PAS

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *hú•

Chiwere W:246b

Hoocąk húu ‘start coming’ KM:1601 , huu

Proto-Dhegiha *hǘ

Omaha-Ponca ‘come’ RTC

Kanza/Kaw ‘come’ RR

Osage ‘come’ RR

Quapaw ‘come’ RR

Proto-Southeastern *hú•(-ri)

Proto-Biloxi-Ofo *hú•(-ri)

Biloxi hu, u, hu‹, húdi, údi ‘come’ D&S:198b

Ofo kiū´kna, kiu , †kiú•kna ‘come’ D&S:325b, JSS


Tutelo yahūa, howa , †yahu•(w)a ‘come’ H , kihūna , †yahu•(w)a ‘he came not’ HW , wihūta , †yahu•(w)a ‘I will come’ JOD , yahuwá , †yahu•(w)a , húwa , †yahu•(w)a

Saponi kihoe , †kihu ‘come here’ F


Catawba hu•ʔ- FS

General comment

Catawba ʔ suggests some final consonant if it is not an artifact of pre-vocalic morpheme boundary.

It has been noted that the h- is missing in all the vertitive forms of this verb in MVS. But cf. comment on ‘come vertitive’. Reconstructing *u• with the assumption that hu• forms are by analogy with *hi•arrive there’ might be tempting except for the fact that all the languages but Ofo show at least traces of the h and even Catawba has hu•ʔ.

In DH this verb behaves like a full-fledged H-stem, taking the obstruentized allomorphs of the actor person-number prefixes. Omaha-Ponca 1Act phi; 2Act ši; 3Act . Kanza/Kaw 1Act phü; 2Act šü; 3Act . Quapaw 1Act phi; 2Act ši; 3Act .

While Crow and Hidatsa forms suggest nothing unusual about initial h, the conjugation is part of a special pattern found only in a core group of motion verbs. Crow 1Act boó; 2Act dalóo; 3Act húu (GG-49, DEC-32). Hidatsa: 1Act wa•hú•, 2Act. rárahu•, 3p. ra•huʔa. The conjugation is modeled on regular forms of ‘goCrow 1Act shows assimilation and the rising pitch pattern of lost intervocalic h, cf. ‘hair, fur, feathers’ and other forms.

The w which appears in some Tutelo forms (imperatives?) may be comparable to the w which appears in the Lakota imperative (B&D para. 135) -- presumably an epenthetic glide.

Language Cognate Phonetic Siouan Meaning Comment Sources