spread (3)

verb physical_contact_manipulation


Proto-Siouan *pa•rí(-he), *pa•rį́(-he)


Hidatsa pápa•re ‘spread out something’ J , pápa•ri ‘spread out to dry’ J , pa•ri

Pre-Mandan *prih-

Mandan rupiríhoʔš ‘he spread it out’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *wrį

Proto-Dakota *mnį́

Lakota mní ‘spread out to dry’ [Noun] RTC , mní, pa- ‘divide, distribute’ EB:430a , mnimni, óna- ‘be on one’s way’ EB:396a , mní, wa- ‘dry by spreading out e.g. shelled corn’ EB:536a , mnípi, wa- ‘fruit etc. spread out thinly’ EB:536a , kpamní ‘distribute’ EJ , opámni ‘flatten the contents of a bag’ EJ , owákpamni ‘lit. distribution place; agency’ EJ , wamníyąpi ‘fruit’ EJ

Dakota wamní ‘dry by spreading out’ SRR:519a


Hoocąk warupį́nį ‘scatter; put out to dry’ KM:2494 , warupįnį


Kanza/Kaw blį ‘scatter things about’ RR



Ofo tukbā´ti ‘spread cloth’ D&S:331a

General comment

This is one of several entries in which Hidatsa, Biloxi, and/or Ofo forms suggest an initial Proto-Siouan *pá(•)rV- sequence. MVS, Mandan (and perhaps Biloxi) evidently shift the accent rightward one syllable, undergo the usual initial syllable vowel syncope, and produce the cluster that is a conflation of earlier *pr- and *wr-. Compare ‘spread > flat (2)’, ‘spread > flat (5)’, ‘spread > flat (3)’, ‘spread (3)’, ‘sprout’. In this set however there is a lack of matching between MVS and the other subgroups for nasalization, so the MVS forms may not be cognate even though the meanings are similar.

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