spread (3)

verb physical_contact_manipulation


Proto-Siouan *pa•rí(-he), *pa•rį́(-he)


Hidatsa pápa•re ‘spread out something’ J , pápa•ri ‘spread out to dry’ J , pa•ri

Pre-Mandan *prih-

Mandan rupiríhoʔš ‘he spread it out’ RTC

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *wrį

Proto-Dakota *mnį́

Lakota mní ‘spread out to dry’ [Noun] RTC , mní, pa- ‘divide, distribute’ EB:430a , mnimni, óna- ‘be on one’s way’ EB:396a , mní, wa- ‘dry by spreading out e.g. shelled corn’ EB:536a , mnípi, wa- ‘fruit etc. spread out thinly’ EB:536a , kpamní ‘distribute’ EJ , opámni ‘flatten the contents of a bag’ EJ , owákpamni ‘lit. distribution place; agency’ EJ , wamníyąpi ‘fruit’ EJ

Dakota wamní ‘dry by spreading out’ SRR:519a


Hoocąk warupį́nį ‘scatter; put out to dry’ KM:2494 , warupįnį


Kanza/Kaw blį ‘scatter things about’ RR



Ofo tukbā´ti ‘spread cloth’ D&S:331a

General comment

This is one of several entries in which Hidatsa, Biloxi, and/or Ofo forms suggest an initial Proto-Siouan *pá(•)rV- sequence. MVS, Mandan (and perhaps Biloxi) evidently shift the accent rightward one syllable, undergo the usual initial syllable vowel syncope, and produce the cluster that is a conflation of earlier *pr- and *wr-. Compare ‘spread > flat (2)’, ‘spread > flat (5)’, ‘spread > flat (3)’, ‘spread (3)’, ‘sprout’. In this set however there is a lack of matching between MVS and the other subgroups for nasalization, so the MVS forms may not be cognate even though the meanings are similar.

Language Cognate Phonetic Siouan Meaning Comment Sources