Proto-Siouan *ahtá•ʔį(-he)

Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *atáʔihe

Crow asíia ‘appear’ GG:13, RGG:94

Hidatsa atÉʔ ‘appear, come out, manifest self’ J


Mandan tį́hoʔš ‘it shows, sticks out’ H:251

Proto-Mississipi-Valley *htá•ʔį

Proto-Dakota *thąį

Lakota thąį́ ‘show’ RTC

Dakota taŋiŋ , †thąį WM:255a

Proto-Hoocąk-Chiwere *thá•ʔį

Chiwere tháʔį ~ thą́į GM

Hoocąk čąątʔį́ KM:177 , cąąt’į KM:176 , čąąkʔį́ , cąąk’į

Proto-Dhegiha *htą́į

Kanza/Kaw ttį́ ‘visible’ RR

Osage ṭóⁿiⁿ (pronounced ṭiⁿ) , †htąį ‘visible’ LF:155b

Quapaw ttąį ‘visible’ JOD

General comment

The unexpected t~k in the Hoocąk forms is from the epenthetic glide -r- that develops between the vowels in parts of the paradigm of this verb; it is extended analogically to those forms which already had a glottal stop, thus often > in Chiwere/Hoocąk. For other Chiwere/Hoocąk forms with ʔ ~ tʔ ~ (kʔ) cf. ‘fly (1)’, ‘jump’, ‘lay’. Crow s corresponding to Hidatsa t shows that Proto-Crow-Hidatsa *t was followed by *a. Crow -iia reflects the loss of intervocalic *h. Hidatsa has assimilated *-iE to *E. Cf. ‘thunder (2)’. The Kanza/Kaw/Osage cognates show the relative chronology of the vowel cluster collapse and the dental assibilation/palatalization rule. The sequence of a dental stop and a front vowel is not normally possible in Kanza/Kaw or Osage.

Language Cognate Phonetic Siouan Meaning Comment Sources